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On LGBT Job Discrimination, The Courts Are Finally Correcting Congress

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Courts May Finally Prohibit Employment Discrimination On The Basis Of Sexual Orientation And Gender Identity

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The difficulty in passing a national bill protecting LGBT workers from employment discrimination highlights the dysfunction of American government. Despite the fact that a large majority of Americans supports such legislation, Republicans have steadfastly blocked proposed nondiscrimination laws through a variety of tactical maneuvers or poison pill amendments. However, the courts may finally do what Congress has been unwilling to do.

Currently, LGBT people are partially protected from employment discrimination by a patchwork of state and local laws, executive orders, and court rulings.

Although there is no federal law explicitly addressing employment discrimination based on sexual orientation and gender identity, executive orders–the first of which was issued in 1995 by President Bill Clinton–prohibit discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity in federal employment and–thanks to President Obama–by government contractors.

While most “blue states” have passed nondiscrimination laws that cover sexual orientation and gender identity, most “red states” provide no state-wide protection for LGBT employees, though cities in many of them provide limited protection.

Courts have generally ruled on equal protection grounds that public employees are protected from discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity, but have been reluctant to extend such protection to employees in the private sector absent state statutes or municipal ordinances.

While most large businesses have voluntarily adopted nondiscrimination policies that cover sexual orientation and gender identity, most small businesses in red states have not.

However, recent interpretations of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 by the U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC), the federal agency charged with enforcing federal laws that make it illegal to discriminate against employees and job applicants, provide hope that LGBT individuals will soon enjoy protection against discrimination even in red states and even by private employers.

The EEOC has determined that Title VII prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation and gender identity. The determination is binding on all federal agencies and departments and governs EEOC enforcement and litigation activities throughout the country. Although courts are not bound by the EEOC’s interpretations, they often give deference to them.

The EEOC has recently announced that sexual orientation and gender identity is now a strategic enforcement priority for the agency. They are expected to mount an aggressive program of litigation on behalf of LGBT people who have experienced employment discrimination.

Gender Identity As a Protected Classification

Recent court rulings, at both the district and appellate levels, have affirmed that transgender people are protected from discrimination in employment.

For example, on December 6, 2011, the Eleventh Circuit Court of Appeals in Glenn v. Brumby upheld a lower court ruling that the Georgia General Assembly discriminated against Vandy Beth Glenn, a transgender woman who was fired from her job as Legislative Editor after she told her supervisor that she planned to transition from male to female.

In a forceful opinion authored by Judge Rosemary Barkett for a unanimous three-judge panel, which included one of the most conservative judges on the federal bench, Judge William Pryor, the Court declared, “An individual cannot be punished because of his or her perceived gender-nonconformity. Because these protections are afforded to everyone, they cannot be denied to a transgender individual. . . . A person is defined as transgender precisely because of the perception that his or her behavior transgresses gender stereotypes.”

The decision stated unequivocally: “We conclude that a government agent violates the Equal Protection Clause’s prohibition on sex-based discrimination when he or she fires a transgender or transsexual employee because of his or her gender non-conformity.”

The victory was the first ruling on transgender rights from the Eleventh Circuit, considered one of the most conservative circuits. The ruling brought the Eleventh Circuit in line with other circuits in applying to transgender individuals the U.S. Supreme Court ruling in Price Waterhouse v. Hopkins (1989) that said that gender non-conformity is included in the Civil Rights Act’s prohibition of discrimination on the basis of sex.

The plaintiff in the case, Vandy Beth Glenn, worked for two years in the Georgia General Assembly’s Office of Legislative Counsel as an editor and proofreader. In 2007, Glenn informed her immediate supervisor, Beth Yinger, that she planned to transition from male to female, and showed Yinger photographs of herself in professional female attire. Yinger passed the information on to her boss, the General Assembly’s Legislative Counsel, Sewell Brumby, who promptly fired her.

A 2012 ruling by the EEOC itself also held that gender identity discrimination is prohibited by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964. The decision was issued in Macy v. Holder, a case in which Mia Macy, a transgender woman who was denied employment with the Department of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) after she revealed her intention to transition from male to female, claimed that she suffered discrimination because of her gender identity.

Issued without dissent by the five-member, bipartisan Commission, the decision states unambiguously “that claims of discrimination based on transgender status, also referred to as claims of discrimination based on gender identity, are cognizable under Title VII’s sex discrimination prohibition.”

“When an employer discriminates against someone because the person is transgender, the employer has engaged in disparate treatment related to the sex of the victim. This is true regardless of whether an employer discriminates against an employee because the individual has expressed his or her gender in a non-stereotypical fashion, because the employer is uncomfortable with the fact that the person has transitioned or is in the process of transitioning from one gender to another, or because the employer simply does not like that the person is identifying as a transgender person.”

Masen Davis, then head of the Transgender Law Center (TLC), which brought the case on behalf of Mia Macy, described the decision as a “big leap forward,” because now “transgender people who feel they have faced employment discrimination can go into any of [the Commission’s] 53 offices and the EEOC will consider their claims. What’s more, the EEOC could take action itself to sue the employer for discrimination.”

He added, “Given that transgender people do not have employment protections in the vast majority of states, this creates a whole new fabric of legal support for our community.”

The TLC first pursued Macy’s complaint through the Office of Equal Opportunity of the ATF, which is responsible for considering complaints of discrimination by the agency. When the ATF’s equal opportunity officer denied that Title VII applied to transgender employees, the TLC filed suit, asking the EEOC to clarify the law.

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Sexual Orientation as a Protected Classification

Although it is now clear that Title VII’s prohibition of sex discrimination covers discrimination on the basis of gender stereotypes and gender identity, it is not yet firmly established that it also covers discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

At least two federal lawsuits are currently underway that may clarify the question.

One is Baldwin v. Foxx, a suit in which David Baldwin, a former Federal Aviation Administration employee, alleges that he was denied a promotion and suffered harassment based on his sexual orientation.  Baldwin first filed a complaint with the EEOC in 2012; finally, in July 2015, the EEOC ruled that sexual orientation is indeed covered by Title VII and permitted the lawsuit to go forward. It is currently pending in the U.S. District Court for the Southern District of Florida.

The uncertainty about whether sexual orientation is a protected classification was also recently confronted in an extraordinary ruling in the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Seventh Circuit issued on July 28, 2016 in a case known as Hively v. Ivy Tech. Judge Ilana Rovner, writing for a three-judge panel, called attention to the dilemma the court faced in considering the case of a lesbian, Kimberly Hively, who alleged that she had been discriminated against by Ivy Tech Community College in South Bend, Indiana.

Hively, who worked as a part-time adjunct professor for many years, claimed that she had repeatedly been passed over for full-time employment and promotions because of her sexual orientation. Her claim was dismissed by the district court in response to a motion by Ivy Tech, which claimed that Title VII does not ban discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, a holding that the Seventh Circuit had made in other cases decided several years ago.

Feeling bound by Seventh Circuit precedent, the appellate panel affirmed the district court’s ruling, but Judge Rovner spent the great bulk of her opinion describing the changing legal landscape for LGBT people. She noted that the EEOC recently declared that “sexual orientation is inherently a ‘sex-based consideration,’ and an allegation of discrimination is necessarily an allegation of sex discrimination under Title VII.”

She also observed that district and appellate courts have handled the question of whether Title VII prohibits sexual orientation discrimination very differently. Some have disallowed any claims where sexual orientation and gender non-conformity are intertwined, while others have tried to tease apart the sexual orientation and gender non-conformity claims and look only at those that appear to address gender-nonconformity, which the Supreme Court has held is protected under Title VII.

“Whether the line is nonexistent or merely exceedingly difficult to find, it is certainly true that the attempt to draw and observe a line between the two types of discrimination results in a jumble of inconsistent precedents,” she wrote.Â

Noting that since the EEOC ruling that sexual orientation discrimination is sex discrimination, many district courts, which she described as the “laboratories on which the Supreme Court relies to work through cutting-edge legal problems,” are beginning “to ask whether the sexual orientation-denying emperor of Title VII has no clothes.”

Judge Rovner also pointed out that the U.S. Supreme Court rulings in Windsor, which struck down the Defense of Marriage Act in 2013, and in Obergefell, which in 2015 mandated that same-sex couples had a constitutional right to marry, created “a paradoxical legal landscape in which a person can be married on Saturday and then fired on Monday for just that act. For although federal law now guarantees anyone the right to marry another person of the same gender, Title VII, to the extent it does not reach sexual orientation discrimination, also allows employers to fire that employee for doing so.”

She observed that “Discrimination against gay, lesbian, and bisexual employees comes about because their behavior is seen as failing to comply with the quintessential gender stereotype about what men and women ought to do—for example, that men should have romantic and sexual relationships only with women, and women should have romantic and sexual relationships only with men.” Thus, she implied, following the reasoning of Price Waterhouse, sexual orientation discrimination as well as gender identity discrimination should be prohibited.

She characterized the Seventh Circuit precedents that bound her as leading to “the absurd conclusion . . . that the law protects effeminate men from employment discrimination, but only if they are (or are believed to be) heterosexuals.”

She added: “our [circuit’s] understanding of Title VII leaves us with a somewhat odd body of case law that protects a lesbian who faces discrimination because she fails to meet some superficial gender norms—wearing pants instead of dresses, having short hair, not wearing make up—but not a lesbian who meets cosmetic gender norms, but violates the most essential of gender stereotypes by marrying another woman.”

The law, she concluded, “protects ‘flamboyant’ gay men and ‘butch’ lesbians but not the lesbian or gay employee who act or appear straight.”

The unusual decision, which pointed out the absurdity of the current position in the Seventh Circuit, seemed to be begging for the plaintiff to ask for an en banc hearing to reconsider the case. Outdated precedents within a circuit can be overturned only by a Supreme Court ruling or by an en banc review by all the active judges within the circuit.

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In response, Lambda Legal, representing Kimberly Hively, quickly filed a request for an en banc review, which was promptly granted on October 6, 2016. Oral arguments in the case have been scheduled for November 30.Â

Inasmuch as en banc reviews are rarely granted, and seldom expedited as this case apparently has been, it seems likely that the Seventh Circuit will reverse the finding in favor of Ivy Tech and adopt the position of the EEOC that discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation is forbidden by Title VII of the Civil Rights Act.Â

If the Seventh Circuit does reverse, their decision will probably be appealed to the Supreme Court, which may accept it for review in order to render a final decision as to whether Title VII prohibits discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation.

Ian Milhiser, who has described Hively v. Ivy Tech as “the most important gay rights case since marriage equality was won,” has pointed out that if Hillary Clinton is elected president and appoints a liberal justice to replace the late Justice Antonin Scalia on the Supreme Court, SCOTUS will soon be the most liberal court in history. “That opens up the very real possibility that workplace discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation will be illegal throughout the entire nation.”

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Platner Scorched Over ‘Taking Time’ Video After New Accusation

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Maine Democratic U.S. Senate nominee Graham Platner is under fire after releasing a video declaring that new allegations against him are false, yet he is “taking time to reflect” on a path forward.

Politico on Monday afternoon reported that a woman who dated Platner, Jenny Racicot, “says he forced her to have sex with him nearly five years ago despite her repeated objections, an allegation Platner denies.”

“Racicot said she had an on-and-off relationship with Platner,” Politico reported, “for more than two years before he entered her rural Maine home uninvited one night in late 2021, deeply intoxicated, and forced himself on her while she repeatedly told him to stop. She said she cut off contact with him after telling him the encounter was not consensual.”

In a video posted to social media eleven minutes after the Politico story dropped, Platner says, “I wanted to directly address the troubling, serious, and false allegations against me. Any accusation of nonconsensual behavior is categorically false.”

He said he and his supporters “were united in a love of Maine, a belief that our politics must change, in a focus on defeating Susan Collins.”

“So, regardless of the inaccuracy of the reporting, but mindful the political reality will inflict, we are taking the time to reflect on the best path forward for the state that I love, the people that I love, the movement I belong to, and the goal of defeating Susan Collins.”

“Those were the goals when we launched this campaign. And they remain my goals today.”

“Throughout it all, you never turned your back on me. And I will not turn my back on you now. Every one of you deserves to see that vision come to fruition and see Susan Collins defeated. And we will use every tool at our disposal to do so.”

The Bulwark’s Tim Miller, a political commentator who served as the communications director for the Jeb Bush 2016 presidential campaign, blasted Platner.

“I’m sorry but ‘we are taking time to reflect on the best path forward’ is not an option on the table,” Miller wrote. “Either it’s false and you campaign with vigor or it’s true and you get out / apologize to everyone you let down.”

Journalist Ryan Grim, commenting on Platner’s video, noted that Platner “strongly suggests he is considering dropping out. Already Troy Jackson and Chellie Pingree, both gubernatorial candidates, are being kicked around in Maine circles as potential replacements.”

Several others, including Puck News’ Peter Hamby, predicted Platner will be dropping out.

Platner had postponed several campaign events before the Politico story was published.

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Trump Sparks Fury Online After Posting Unblurred Video of Muslim Kindergartners in Hijabs

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President Donald Trump is facing backlash after posting a video of children — including showing their unblurred faces — graduating from kindergarten, with some of the girls purportedly wearing hijabs.

“President Trump posted a captionless video of graduating kindergarteners on Truth Social on Monday, goading his supporters into verbally attacking little children simply for being Muslim,” The New Republic reported. “The clip is from Gateway STEM Academy, a majority-Black K-8 public charter school in St. Paul, Minnesota. It shows about 21 children in caps and gowns on stage singing a song together. Most of the girls are wearing hijabs.”

The original post of the video which Trump reposted reads: “Public school in St. Paul, Minnesota. Every girl is in a hijab … in kindergarten.”

Trump did not add any comments. TNR called the post “Islamophobic, weird, and creepy,” while noting that the comments section of Trump’s post was filled with calls “by racist, xenophobic MAGA supporters” to “deport the children and ban hijabs.”

TNR also noted that it “should come as no surprise that Trump isn’t above attacking children who just learned how to read, but this post is still particularly discomforting—and will certainly contribute to the already potent level of anti-Muslim sentiment in the U.S. and in Minnesota.”

Critics blasted Trump.

“There is something deeply unsettling about the president of the United States—the most powerful person in the world—going after kindergarten schoolchildren in Minnesota because they wore hijabs, as Trump has done this morning on his website,” The Bulwark’s Sam Stein wrote.

One social media commentator wrote, “Trump posted an unblurred video of more than a dozen Muslim kindergartners to Truth Social, exposing the children’s faces while targeting them for their religion.”

Another added, “Trump is a bigot. The president took to Truth Social to attack kindergarteners in hijabs. These are little kids. The president isn’t just a bigot, he’s also a coward.”

The original video was posted to the X social media platform in June.

U.S. Rep. Nancy Mace (R-SC) at the time commented, “If you are in a public school in America, you should be speaking english.”

 

Image via Reuters 

 

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One Legal Maneuver Threatens to Undo Everything E. Jean Carroll Won

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President Donald Trump’s apparent efforts to delay releasing the $5.8 million civil judgment to E. Jean Carroll are being met with a warning by the journalist’s legal team, who suggest there could be a legal maneuver for Trump to employ to forgo paying the judgment in either of the two cases he lost.

According to The Guardian, on July 4, U.S. District Judge Lewis Kaplan ordered Trump to release the $5.8 million judgment, which is in escrow, to Carroll by this coming Tuesday — or explain why he would not do so.

Carroll’s attorneys think Trump may be trying to buy time to mount another legal strategy, telling the judge that Trump’s request for an extension “appears to be little more than yet another play for time.”

“The case is separate from Trump’s appeal of a Manhattan civil jury’s 2024 award of $83.3m to Carroll for defamation,” The Guardian explains. “But her lawyers have suggested a legal scenario in which the president might seek to conjoin the cases and further delay payment of both.”

Carroll’s attorney Roberta Kaplan (no relation to the judge) wrote, “We can only assume that defendant is seeking … to buy time so he can try to concoct some new basis to put off paying plaintiff presumably in connection with his forthcoming petition and motion for a rehearing.”

Trump’s former attorney, Justin Smith, in one of his final acts, wrote to the Supreme Court suggesting that his client would be appealing the $83.3 million civil judgment.

Smith argued that the Supreme Court “may wish to consider the petitions together,” given they involve the same parties.

The larger judgment case involves possible questions of presidential immunity, and that has Carroll’s attorneys concerned.

“A conjoined case, Carroll’s lawyers fear, could result in both judgments being wiped out,” The Guardian reports.

The president has also made clear he is no fan of Judge Kaplan, after the jurist made several rulings that “angered” Trump.

“What else can you expect from a Trump Hating, Clinton appointed judge, who went out of his way to make sure that the result was as negative as it could possible be,” Trump wrote on Truth Social in 2023, “speaking to, and in control of, a jury from an anti-Trump area which is probably the worst place in the US for me to get a fair ‘trial’.”

 

Image via Reuters

 

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